Introduction
The author of this book occupies a very special position in the eyes of
Arabs and in the Islamic world. As father and first secretary general of
the Arab League, he gave an impetus toward unity and strength which, during
the years at the end of the Second World War, brought new life into old
lands. Indeed, it is memorable that the years of `Azzam Pasha's leadership
in the League (1945-1952) were a time of energetic hope and wide and true
aspiration, and something has gone out of it since then. He brought an
age-old promise, ever new, of which this book is another expression in
its way: that is, the promise of universalism in Islam, unity and equality
and brotherhood.
Azzam has many more claims to the gratitude of his own people than the
creation of the Arab League, however. He has had an immensely active life
in the service of the Islamic countries around the Mediterranean, and there
is more than one state or region to acknowledge it. Indeed, `Azzam may
be said to exemplify in his own life one of the principles ex pounded in
this book, which is that a citizen of any Islamic state is a citizen of
them all. This universalism within the fold-Islam as world and as world
community-seems to have inspired his extraordinary range of effort for
decades, although perhaps he would have been less explicit about it than
he is today. He was only a boy when he ran away to fight for the Turks
(that is, for Islam) in the Balkan wars; he fought the Italians in the
deserts of Libya for eight years; he served Egypt in the diplomatic service
and in parliament; he is today a representative of the King of Saudi Arabia
in some delicate negotiations. In Damascus as in Djakarta, Istanbul, and
Baghdad, this man is known for valor of spirit and elevation of mind. For
it seems that no matter how urgent the affairs of the day, no matter how
critical the fight Azzam always had time to reflect upon his own religious
heritage, to read the Koran and the commentaries, and to meditate upon
the mission of the Prophet muhammad (upon whom be peace!). Thus he combines,
in the best Islamic mode, the aspects of thought and action, like the muslim
warriors of another time who are typified for us Westerners by the figure
of Saladin.
`Azzam Pasha-although such titles
are now abolished, it is thus that we think of him by habit-was born into
an Egyptian land-owning family which originated centuries ago in the Arabian
peninsula. His family had taken to parliamentary government from the earliest
days, and there was always an `Azzam in the Egyptian chamber. `Azzam emphasizes
the strength and vitality of Egyptian parliamentary democracy because,
as he feels, it is too often forgotten that this institution had been well
established and had become a natural political expression for Egyptians
a century ago.
For that democracy, hampered and oppressed as it was by the British Occupation,
he was driven to the sword, the camel, and the desert-open rebellion. His
exploits in former years are well remembered in Libya, and that country
is one of the Arab states in which he feels especially at home. His tribution
to its national emergence, as to that of some others, has never yet been
fully recounted.
It was some twenty-seven years ago that I first encountered `Abd-al-Rahman
`Azzam. It was in Cairo, by the kind offices of our old friend George Antonius
(author of The Arab Awakening), who told me then and always believed that
`Azzam represented a new hope for the Arab world. `Azzam then- a dashing
figure, easy to imagine leading a charge of camels -waleaving parliament
for a new life in diplomacy, and had just been named Egyptian ambassador
to Baghdad and Tehran. It was there that he began those explorations of
the possible and the probable which led him into thoughts of unity, not
as an immediate objective but as an ultimate aim -thoughts which would
in time find expression in the constitution of the Arab League.
Since then, at various times and places, it has been my privilege to talk
with `Azzam, sometimes for hours on end.
Every such conversation has been illuminating; as Jefferson said of Franklin,
I never leave his presence unrefreshed. The practical details of administration
may have taken up a great deal of `Azzam 's time when he directed the League
offices, but he was always ready to abandon them for the sake of more general
considerations, reflections, and observations. His mind was never bogged
down; it could rise at will. Often I used to think that the study of the
Koran and the commentaries, leading him to the analysis of distinctly Islamic
ideas and forms of thought, had given him this power of abstraction, which
is not too common among men in public affairs. Readers of his book will
see that although he quotes texts and is soundly based upon them, he makes
his own probe into their meaning and constructs a coherent thesis of Islam
in the modern world. As he says, it is not always easy to analyze or describe
in English concepts for which we do not possess the vocabulary or, conversely,
for which our vocabulary is too precise. Ideas of the state, of nationality,
of citizen- ship, even of law have a defined sense and connotation in English
which do not correspond to Muslim modes of thought, all impregnated with
the spirit of universal community in one faith. In conveying this spirit
through modern terminology `Azzam has rendered, once again, a service all
his own. Now, in the afternoon of a great life, this noble Arab and deeply
Islamic citizen of the world has time to share with us the fruits of his
experience and study, the garland of his wisdom. Ours is the benefit-and
it has been years since this subject reached us so cogently-but we can
feel sure that `Azzam has worked above all in the service of the faith
that has inspired his whole life.
Vincent SHEEANs